|
North Macedonia As A Test-Case For Europe’s Credibility
|
|
Panels and Discussions
|
Ivan VejvodaRuzha SmilovaZoran NechevNikola Dimitrov
|
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|
|
Narrative Making in the European Capital
|
|
Seminars and Colloquia
|
Ivan VejvodaJulia De Clerck-Sachsse
|
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
|
Missing Pages of European History
|
|
Seminars and Colloquia
|
Ivan VejvodaTeresa Reiter
|
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
Many people agree that the European Union’s enlargement process is flawed. As a consequence, none of the aspiring EU members meet their targets on the path to membership on time and some do not meet them at all. While Europeans spent a lot of money, time and energy to improve life the region for decades, it is equally true that Europeans made decisions that affected the Western Balkans negatively, too. However, when European history is discussed in the context of the European Union, it is usually mainly about how the treaties were negotiated, how the European institutions developed, and about the vision of the leaders who envisaged the European Union. There are pages missing from the European history book. Arguably, this approach of not dealing with its own role, interests and past with the Western Balkans could be seen as having a negative impact on the enlargement policy the European Union is pursuing today.
Read more
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
Many people agree that the European Union’s enlargement process is flawed. As a consequence, none of the aspiring EU members meet their targets on the path to membership on time and some do not meet them at all. While Europeans spent a lot of money, time and energy to improve life the region for decades, it is equally true that Europeans made decisions that affected the Western Balkans negatively, too. However, when European history is discussed in the context of the European Union, it is usually mainly about how the treaties were negotiated, how the European institutions developed, and about the vision of the leaders who envisaged the European Union. There are pages missing from the European history book. Arguably, this approach of not dealing with its own role, interests and past with the Western Balkans could be seen as having a negative impact on the enlargement policy the European Union is pursuing today.
Read more
|
|
Liberalism in Crisis: Between Totalitarian Responses and Progressive Dreams
|
|
Panels and Discussions
|
Adam RamsayIvan KrastevIvan VejvodaShalini RanderiaVenelin GanevJacques Rupnik, Ana Blazeva, Katerina Kolozova
|
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|
|
Leben im – und Wege aus dem – „Corona-Camp“
|
|
Seminars and Colloquia
|
Bernd MarinLudger HagedornAugust Ruhs
|
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
|
Learning From the Prespa Agreement
|
|
Seminars and Colloquia
|
Ioannis ArmakolasIvan Vejvoda
|
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
|
|
Junior Visiting Fellows' Conference Winter 2022
|
|
Conferences and Workshops
|
|
|
Speakers:
Series: Conferences and Workshops
|
Speakers:
Series: Conferences and Workshops
|
|
Judges Under Pressure
|
|
Seminars and Colloquia
|
Ivan VejvodaJudy Dempsey
|
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
Two members of the European Union. Two members of NATO. They couldn't be more different.
Poland and Romania are undergoing transformations that could have a profound effect on the rule of law, particularly on the role of independent judges.
Romania has been consistently criticized by reformers, by human rights activists and by organizations trying to combat the rampant corruption for the weak rule of law and for the constant interference by the political elites in the judiciary.
Since 1989, the country's transformation has been long, complicated and delayed by vested interests and indeed the old guard. Its history and culture do play a role in delaying the transformation. But the past cannot be used as an excuse to postpone a long overdue institutionalization of the rule of law and make the judiciary genuinely independent.
As for Poland, it was supposed to be a kind of model for other countries making the transformation from communism to democracy. But since 2005, a year after Poland joined the European Union, Law and Justice, a nationalist, conservative party, has been doing everything possible to overturn the gains of the post-1989 period.
Its first stint in power was too short-lived for the party to achieve its goal: adapting the law to implement its agenda. But since 2015, it has chiseled away at the fundamental aspects of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary.
There are a lot of "whys" with regard to what is happening in Poland and Romania. This will be the topic of my presentation on 4 November.
Read more
|
Series: Seminars and Colloquia
Two members of the European Union. Two members of NATO. They couldn't be more different.
Poland and Romania are undergoing transformations that could have a profound effect on the rule of law, particularly on the role of independent judges.
Romania has been consistently criticized by reformers, by human rights activists and by organizations trying to combat the rampant corruption for the weak rule of law and for the constant interference by the political elites in the judiciary.
Since 1989, the country's transformation has been long, complicated and delayed by vested interests and indeed the old guard. Its history and culture do play a role in delaying the transformation. But the past cannot be used as an excuse to postpone a long overdue institutionalization of the rule of law and make the judiciary genuinely independent.
As for Poland, it was supposed to be a kind of model for other countries making the transformation from communism to democracy. But since 2005, a year after Poland joined the European Union, Law and Justice, a nationalist, conservative party, has been doing everything possible to overturn the gains of the post-1989 period.
Its first stint in power was too short-lived for the party to achieve its goal: adapting the law to implement its agenda. But since 2015, it has chiseled away at the fundamental aspects of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary.
There are a lot of "whys" with regard to what is happening in Poland and Romania. This will be the topic of my presentation on 4 November.
Read more
|
|
Illiberal Democracy: Contradiction, Ideology or Characteristic of our Age?
|
|
Panels and Discussions
|
Grigorij MesežnikovLeszek JazdzewskiLuke CooperNiccolo MilanesePéter KrekóKaterina Kolozova
|
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
Since Viktor Orbán used the term in 2014 to propose a new model for Europe, debates have raged over whether ‘illiberal democracy’ is a coherent concept at all, what distinguishes it from liberal democracy, and what its relationships are with terms such as populism, authoritarianism, state capture, nationalism and majoritarianism. Whilst academic circles have been trying to make sense of the idea, the term itself has shown political effectiveness, and informal alliances of illiberal leaders have appeared at the European elections, in summits on family policy, in international decision-making bodies and elsewhere. This seminar looked at phenomena of illiberal democracy from Macedonia, Hungary, Italy, the UK, Slovakia, Poland and considered what should be done to counter this discourse, by political institutions, by academics and by other political actors and activists.
Read more
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
Since Viktor Orbán used the term in 2014 to propose a new model for Europe, debates have raged over whether ‘illiberal democracy’ is a coherent concept at all, what distinguishes it from liberal democracy, and what its relationships are with terms such as populism, authoritarianism, state capture, nationalism and majoritarianism. Whilst academic circles have been trying to make sense of the idea, the term itself has shown political effectiveness, and informal alliances of illiberal leaders have appeared at the European elections, in summits on family policy, in international decision-making bodies and elsewhere. This seminar looked at phenomena of illiberal democracy from Macedonia, Hungary, Italy, the UK, Slovakia, Poland and considered what should be done to counter this discourse, by political institutions, by academics and by other political actors and activists.
Read more
|
|
How Does - And How Should - The EU Tell Europe’s Story to the World?
|
|
Panels and Discussions
|
Ivan VejvodaJulia De Clerck-SachsseLuuk van MiddelaarNathalie Tocci
|
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|
Series: Panels and Discussions
|