|Language Policies in Multilingual Countries: Western and Non-Western Approaches||Seminars and Colloquia||Volodymyr KulykWolfgang MerkelMiloš Vec||
The presentation was based on the nearly completed Ukrainian-language book that examines the varieties of language policy in a number of Western and non-Western multilingual countries, looking not only at those with official bi- or multilingualism but also at those promoting one dominant language. The book seeks to describe and explain their successes and failures in promoting certain languages, ensuring human rights, maintaining social stability, and forging national unity, with a keen eye on identifying those arrangements that could be adopted in today’s Ukraine. In the presentation, however, Volodymyr Kulyk focused on similarities and differences between prevalent patterns of multilingualism and its management by the state in Western and non-Western (post-colonial and post-imperial) countries. He explored sociolinguistic, historical and political factors determining these countries’ choices of language policy and their degrees of success in its implementation.
|“Blame-Games” and “Blame Avoidance”||Seminars and Colloquia||Markus RheindorfRuth WodakMiloš Vec||
The COVID-19 pandemic has changed the world both dramatically and irrevocably. For months, politics and media have focused on COVID-19 and the countless facets of its impact of ever more uncertainty and insecurity in our lives. Following Zygmunt Bauman’s Liquid Fear (2006) and Wodak’s The Politics of Fear (2021), it has become evident that a “politics of fear (and hope)” has been reinforced and instrumentalized by numerous national governments, in significantly different ways. Accordingly, the range of discourses appear to have changed equally dramatically, in terms of both subject matter and discursive practices. Has the pandemic truly altered the strategies and mechanisms of mediatized politics? Which well-understood/well-studied discursive patterns and trends – including interdiscursivity, (re)nationalization, securitization – and which discursive strategies – like the blame-game (Rheindorf & Wodak 2018) and blame avoidance (Hansson 2015) are still to be found in times of COVID-19, perhaps in altered forms? Some may have been marginalized, while the pandemic may have acted as a catalyst for others. Drawing on the Discourse-historical Approach (DHA) in Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), we will raise such questions and attempt to answer them through theoretical considerations and empirical evidence.
|The Stage of Pre-solidarity||Seminars and Colloquia||Tomasz RakowskiMiloš Vec||
Tomasz Rakowski's experimental study may reveal elements of recent Polish social history omitted in local knowledge-production. He will focus on enthusiastic building, social deeds, vernacular creativity, and various stages of pre-solidarity in Poland since late socialism. He will discuss the flipside of late socialist modernization in Poland, and its trajectory after 1989, considered as both intimate, unrecognized dimensions of bottom-up statehood practices, and processes of acquiring a kind of latent, almost invisible social and political subjectivity. An experimental, historical-ethnographic methodology may unearth elements of Polish social history kept secret for decades. The study is conducted in the context of the “people’s history”, yet more precise, and based on specially elaborated methodology.
|Letters to Enver Hoxha||Seminars and Colloquia||Nikolai AntoniadisMiloš Vec||
From after World War II until his death in 1985, thousands of Albanians wrote letters to Enver Hoxha, a mixture of trivial everyday concerns and exceptional episodes that are tragic, heart-warming and absurd in equal measure. These letters were meticulously archived by the authorities, discussed and acted upon. Put in context, they reveal an abysmal world in which the Party was in control of all aspects of life – a national trauma that has not been addressed to this day.
|In guter Verfassung?||Panels and Discussions||Miloš Vec Elisabeth Holzleithner, Heinz Fischer, Clemens Jabloner, Christoph Grabenwarter||
Speakers: Miloš Vec Elisabeth Holzleithner, Heinz Fischer, Clemens Jabloner, Christoph Grabenwarter
Series: Panels and Discussions
In diesem Jahr wird das österreichische Bundes-Verfassungsgesetz (B-VG) 100 Jahre alt. Es gründete auf Verfassungskämpfen von 1848, übernahm Grundrechte von 1867 und stellte 1920 die Weichen für einen Aufbruch der jungen ersten österreichischen Republik in eine ungewisse Zukunft. Seither wurde es vielfach diskutiert, reformiert – und zwischenzeitlich sogar demontiert. 1934 wurde das B-VG durch die autoritäre Maiverfassung ersetzt, die Nationalsozialisten verabschiedeten sich erst recht von jeder rechtsstaatlichen Verfassungsidee. 1945 trat das B-VG wieder in Kraft und gab die Spielregeln der Zweiten Republik zwischen Recht und Politik vor. Welche zentrale Rolle und Bedeutung der Verfassung zukommt, haben die Ereignisse des letzten Jahres einmal mehr unter Beweis gestellt. Der 100-jährige Geburtstag sollte Anlass sein, ausgewählte Aspekte des B-VG in Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft zu diskutieren.
|Junior Fellows’ Conference||Conferences and Workshops||Aishwary KumarAleksandra GłosAlicja RybkowskaAnastasiya RyabchukEva SchwabHubert CzyzewskiIvan KrastevKaterina KociKrzysztof SkoniecznyLudger HagedornLuiza BialasiewiczMarci ShorePaweł GradSanja DragicZofia SmolarskaMiloš Vec||
Speakers: Aishwary KumarAleksandra GłosAlicja RybkowskaAnastasiya RyabchukEva SchwabHubert CzyzewskiIvan KrastevKaterina KociKrzysztof SkoniecznyLudger HagedornLuiza BialasiewiczMarci ShorePaweł GradSanja DragicZofia SmolarskaMiloš Vec
Series: Conferences and Workshops
|Europe and Austria: The Shape of the Future?||Panels and Discussions||Holly CaseMiloš Vec Erhard Busek||