National Identities and Migration Policies

I. Two Contradictory Principles of the Liberal Nation State

The contemporary international system has been progressively built up since the 17 th century, when the principle of territorial sovereignty of states became entrenched in Europe. In the same century, the modern doctrine of human rights was formulated. This doctrine became the foundation of the liberal-democratic institutions which have been subsequently developed in the states of western Europe and northern America. The synthesis of the principle of territorial sovereignty with the principle of human rights brought about a specifically modern political form – the liberal nation-state. The two principles at its foundation are, however, potentially conflicting. One establishes a special ownership claim for members of a particular national community to a given territory, the other establishes the right to equal treatment (or concern) for all members of the universal community of humankind. The principle of national sovereignty requires the state to care for the well-being of one particular nation, rooted in a particular territory; the principle of human rights requires the state to respect the rights of human individuals, regardless of their national membership. The predicament of the liberal nation-state consists in a permanent effort to meet those two obligations which are, most of the time, at cross-purposes with one another.

This tension between the particularistic and collectivistic mandate of states and the universalistic and individualistic spirit of their liberal constitutions is exemplified acutely in the dilemmas of their migration and integration policies. Wavering between the two poles is inescapable since – as the very expression adumbrates – the liberal nation state has to ensure both the collective goods of members of a particular nation, and the individual rights of members of the universal community of humankind (once they find themselves under its jurisdiction). In so far as these two memberships coincide, everything may run smoothly. The predicament begins when the state needs to adjudicate between claims of people who are nationals and claims of people who are not.

Precisely this is usually at stake in immigration and integration policies. We can locate these policies on a continuum spanning the two poles. The predominance of the universalistic consideration amounts to the readiness of a state to open its gates to ethno-culturally alien immigrants and to include them among its citizens. The predominance of the particularistic consideration amounts to the closing of the state’s borders and the reserving of its own territory, resources and institutions for the members of its own nation, already living on the territory. All liberal nation-states try to strike a balance between these two poles and, thus, their immigration and integration policies are situated somewhere in the middle of this continuum. As stated above: being both „liberal“ and „national“, they have to find a compromise between the individual rights of the person as a member of the human species and the specific claims of their own nationals.

II. Four Ideal Types of Nationhood

An exact place on the continuum between liberal immigration (and integration) policies on the one hand and nationalist or restrictionist policies on the other is contingent not only upon outcomes of political decision-making processes but also on the historically constructed identities of nations. The different genealogies and self-understandings of different nations tend to move them closer towards one or the other of the two normative standpoints which they have to combine. We can order various articulations of the two poles from the more universalistic, inclusive and liberal identities (and attitudes towards immigration and integration) to the more particularistic, exclusive and nationalist identities (and attitudes towards immigration and integration).

I propose a typology that rests on two oppositions. The first is that between the countries of the New and the Old World. Whereas in the former nation-building coincided with immigration and the settlement of a land, the latter conceived of themselves as endogenous, that is, as descendants of those who used to live on the national territory continuously up to the present since some mythical time of arrival and rooting. While for the nations of the New World belonging was a result of free choice with an eye to the future, for the nations of the Old World belonging was a result of historical destiny. The second opposition is that between ethnic and civic nations – the former vesting the criteria of membership in blood lineage, the latter in political belonging to the territorial state. By combination of the two oppositions we arrive at the following table.

Four Ideal Types of Nationhood
immigrant-settler endogenous
civic USA France, Britain
ethnic Israel Germany

At first glance, the ethnic nation is nearly an absolute opposite of the immigrant nation – it is based on destiny rather than on free choice, and it is past-oriented rather than future-oriented. In this view, the civic nation strikes a middle ground between those two mutually exclusive options. The absolute opposition between immigrant and ethnic nations is, however, problematised by many examples of immigrant-settler nations which, within the process of modern European colonization, claimed an ethnic pedigree. Israel is chosen as a prime empirical prototype since unlike the others (such as Afrikaaners in South Africa before 1994), Israel wants to be a liberal-democratic, „western-type“ nation-state. To include Israel under the category of the immigrant ethnic nation presupposes that we make a qualitative difference between a modern Israeli identity, linked to the Zionist state-building project, and a pre-modern diasporic Judaism that referred to statehood only in relation to the biblical past or the messianic future (Attias, Benbassa: 2001). The secularization or politicization of the religious concept of statehood into the Zionist project of return and state-building amounted to a radical transformation of Jewishness: migration and settlement in Palestine and the establishment of the state of Israel there coincided with the creation of a national identity in the modern sense of this word. As the title of the play by Theodor Herzl – Das Altneuland (1907) – intimates, the Zionist project combines the opposite traits of the New- and Old-World identities: a community of destiny was to be realized as a community of free choice and radiant future. Unlike the revolutionary French or Americans, who conceived of their republics as the homelands of all humankind, Zionists conceived of Israel as the homeland for Jews only as they are defined by blood lineage and religion.

The Immigrant Civic Nation: USA

In the USA, Australia and Canada, immigration and the settling of immigrants coincided with nation-building. As these nations were created out of the people who originally belonged to other nations, their immigration and integration policies have been in the long run closer to the universalistic and inclusive end of the continuum. They have encouraged permanent immigration and treated most legal immigrants as future citizens. Once ethnic and racial prejudices were overcome in the last quarter of the 20 th century, the USA, Canada and Australia came progressively to conceive of themselves as „multicultural“ (that is, multi-ethnic or multi-racial) nations. (Glazer 1994; Takaki 1993; Kymlicka 1997)

The Endogenous Civic Nation Assimilationist Republic: France

France is a good example of how a civic nation in Europe may occupy a middle position between an immigrant civic and endogenous ethnic nationhood. The French founded their modern identity not only on past ethnic history but also on the projected political future, that is, on a conscious choice of the republican form of government. This political form allegedly expressed universal values of humankind so that, in principle, France was supposed to be the true fatherland of all freedom-loving people across the whole world. Since the time of Napoleon, this revolutionary universalism provided an ideological cover for the French colonial project, and, simultaneously, made France quite open and inclusive as far as immigration was concerned. The integration pattern, however, had been distinctly assimilationist. The inclusion of others (be they colonized or immigrants) required that they abandon their particular ethnic identities and fully buy into the French national culture which allegedly incarnated universal values of humanity (Brubaker 1992; Dumont 1990; Favell 1998).

The Pluralistic Empire: Great Britain

A different example of the civic nation is Great Britain. As an empire, Great Britain was supposed to be a universal commonwealth for many particular regional, religious or ethnic groups. They could retain their differences under one imperial roof, albeit under the condition that they respected the superiority of English culture. The development of liberal norms with their antiracist and antidiscriminatory thrust brought about a transformation of this hierarchical cultural pluralism into a liberal multiculturalism. The latter view conceives of partial ethnic identities as complementary to an overarching Britishness. Since Britain was traditionally a country of emigration, rather than immigration, liberal immigration policy towards overseas „subjects“ between 1948 and 1962 was not motivated by a genuine openness towards them but rather by the goal of keeping the Empire. Once this goal proved unattainable during the 1950s, Britain subscribed to a zero-immigration tenet (Favell 1998; Grillo 1998; Hansen 2000; Parekh 1990).

The Endogenous Ethnic Nation: Germany

Whereas political membership in Britain and France was traditionally conferred by ius soli (that is, on the basis of the place of birth), in Germany it was conferred by ius sanguinis (that is, on the basis of blood lineage). This constitutive element of German nationhood was further strengthened by the homeland role which the Federal Republic of Germany played for East Germany and the East European German diaspora: this role meant that West Germany had to care for all ethnic Germans no matter where they lived or whether they were formally German citizens or not. This implied very exclusivist and particularistic attitudes to immigration and integration in the years of post-war reconstruction. Whereas Germans conferred an automatic right to citizenship on all ethnic Germans, regardless of whether they had ever lived in Germany, they denied this right to their labour immigrants even if they had resided in the country for a long time (Brubaker 1992; Dumont 1983, 1985; Joppke 1999).

The Immigrant Ethnic Nation: Israel

Since the establishment of Israel, Jewish immigrants (and their family members), called „returnees“, have been given automatic citizenship and large assistance has been provided for their integration – over two million Jews have arrived and been absorbed into Israeli society since 1948. The right of return has been denied to the Palestinian exiles of 1948 – originally more than 700,000, now around 3,5 million. The Arabs who stayed – originally 186,000, now more than 1 million – have been given citizenship but many of their rights have been curtailed (the right of movement, land property rights, political rights etc.) and the development of their communities has been barred by many formal and informal measures. There is no other avenue for immigration and naturalization than the ethno-religious one. Since the first Intifada (1987 – 1993), which caused the frequent closure of the territories occupied in 1967, and especially since 1991, when the Israelis began to regulate entry into Israel proper from the territories, a growing number of guest workers have been accepted (there were around 200,000 of them in Israel in 2003) with no opportunity to integrate and naturalize (Dieckhoff 1998; Kimmerling 1989; Lustick 1980; Smooha 2001).

III. Contemporary Convergence of Western European Policies

Despite initial differences, stemming from different national histories and identities, France, Great Britain and Germany have moved toward common ground in their immigration and integration policies over the last several years. They have all explicitly recognized that they are countries of immigration and formulated outlines of their policies in this field accordingly.

For France, this acknowledgement was the least difficult. Thanks to the universalistic republicanism and mass immigration preceding the post-war influx, immigration was „normal“ for France. In a sense, even if it is not an immigrant nation, modern France has always been a country of immigration. A report ordered by the socialist government of Lionel Jospin from Patrick Weil (1997) and two statutes stemming from it – the Law Guigou and the Law Chevenement (1998) – took to its consequences the universalist strand of the French tradition with its roots in the ideology of 1789 and acknowledged overtly the experience of immigration which had characterized the country since the middle of the 19 th century.

It was not that simple in Britain and Germany. Rather than to im-migration, Britain had been accustomed for centuries to colonialist e-migration, and the post-war influx of non-European immigrants seemed to be merely an unintended consequence of an effort to maintain an overseas empire (especially the Old Commonwealth) rather than a normal state of affairs. While as late as in the 70s and 80s, Britain declared itself to be „a zero-immigration country“, Germany claimed in the same period repeatedly that it is kein Einwanderungsland (not an immigration country). In this latter case, the established tradition of ethnic nationhood together with the fact of a divided Germany and millions of Germans in Eastern Europe made the Federal Republic of Germany the homeland for all ethnic Germans and thus excluded in advance the very concept of the settling and national integration of ethnically and culturally alien populations.

Only in the 90s did Britain finally emerge from its post-colonialist „mourning“ period and the German state completed its ethno-nationalist mission by uniting with East Germany and opening its doors to all Eastern Germans who wanted to use their newly acquired freedom of movement to resettle. The facts on the ground (that is, the massive presence of second- and third-generation immigrants and the impossibility of stopping immigration) but also economic expediency and a series of progressive ideas made sizeable parts of the political elite in both Britain and Germany re-assess their established national self-conceptions. In Germany this development was completed on the legal level by passing a new Nationality Law in 2000 that introduced jus soli. In July 2001, the Süssmuth report outlined guidelines of the Immigration Law, which was tabled in the Parliament first in 2002 and then in 2003. The British White Paper Secure Borders, Safe Haven. Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain (2002) recognized immigration as an inevitable feature of British society and continued the previous pluralistic line of integration policies stressing, however, that ethno-cultural „diversity“ be embedded in a common civic identity that is based on a shared set of values and loyalty to British political institutions.

Around the turn of the century, France, Great Britain and Germany have all explicitly recognized that they are countries of immigration and formulated quite similar migration- and integration-policy frameworks. Their migration policies converge on two points. On the one hand, active immigration policy schemes are designed to attract and recruit young and high-skilled labour migrants who it is intended should [my alternative suggestion is: who are considered likely to] contribute to economic growth, fill labour shortages, and compensate for aging home populations, thereby ensuring sufficient input into the welfare and pension systems. On the other hand, an extensive apparatus is deployed to restrict and limit the immigration of unwanted (low-skilled, culturally alien) groups who are portrayed as liable to disrupt the social order and drain welfare state resources. For this restrictive purpose, special measures have been introduced to fight illegal immigration. At the same time, asylum-legislation has been revised and refined so as to be able to capture and offset an alleged surge in „bogus asylum seekers“.

France, Britain, and Germany also converge on the strategic guidelines for their integration policies. On the one hand, they try to build a clear procedural line connecting immigration to naturalization so that the passage from settling and residence to citizenship is as easy as possible. On the other hand, they have shifted the onus of accommodation onto the immigrants. There has been a strong tendency in recent years to temper the celebration of diversity (driven by the liberal multiculturalism of the 1970s and 1980s) with stress on the obligation of immigrants to adapt and accept the basic values and cultural givens of the receiving society. This emphasis on national „unity“ over multicultural „diversity“ received new momentum in the wake of „9/11“ terrorist attacks which intensified the perception of the rise and increased threat of Islamic terrorism (if not outright islamophobia).

We can conclude that the European move from immigration denial to its endorsement has got stuck half-way: rather than invite strangers of different origin to share a common future, as the immigrant nation (ideally) does, the societies of western Europe still prefer to ground their common political identity in their own national origins, and, consequently, invite only those strangers who may contribute – economically or culturally – to this predefined project. But even this half-opening seems to be too much for the post-communist countries which have recently joined the EU. Only recently have they recovered their national sovereignty which they conceive in ethnic terms, however tempered these terms are by their liberal constitutions. So far, these countries have had difficulties in accommodating even their own „old“ minorities. Can we expect them to follow Germany’s lead and begin to dispose of their ethnic self-images?

Tr@nsit online, 2005
Copyright © 2005 by the author & Transit – Europäische Revue. All rights reserved. This work may be used, with this header included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may be distributed electronically, in whole or in part, without written permission from Transit.

Pavel Barša is Associate Professor of Political Science at Charles University Prague and was an Andrew W. Mellon Fellow of IWM in 2004


Attias, Jean-Christophe, Benbassa, Esther (2001): Israël, la terre et le sacré, Flammarion, Paris

British White Paper (2002): Secure Borders, Safe Haven. Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain

Brubaker, W. Rogers (1992): Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, Harvard University Press, Cambridge (MA)

Dieckhoff, Alain (ed.) (1998): Israël. De Mo?se aux accords d’Oslo, Seuil, Paris

Dumont, Louis (1983): Essais sur l’individualisme. Une perspective anthropologique sur l’idéologie moderne, Seuil, Paris

Dumont, Louis (1985): L’idée allemande de liberté selon Ernst Troeltsch, Débat 35: 40 – 50

Dumont, Louis (1990): Sur l’idéologie politique francaise. Une perspective comparative, Débat 58: 128 – 158

Favell, Adrian (1998): Philosophies of Integration. Immigration and the Idea of Citizenship in France and Britain, Macmillan Press, London

Grillo, R.D. (1998): Pluralism and the Politics of Difference. State, Culture, and Ethnicity in Comparative Perspective, Clarendon Press, Oxford

Hansen, Randall (2000): Citizenship and Immigration in Post-War Britain. The institutional Origins of a Multicultural Nation, Oxford University Press, Oxford

Joppke, Christian (1999): Immigration and the Nation State. The United States, Germany, and Great Britain, Oxford, Oxford University Press

Kimmerling, Baruch (ed.) (1989): The Israeli State and Society. Boundaries and Frontiers, State University of New York Press, New York

Kymlicka, Will (1997): Ethnicity in the USA, in Guibernau, Montserrat, Rex, John (eds.): The Ethnicity Reader. Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Migration, Polity Press, Cambridge: 229 – 247

Lustick, Ian (1980): Arabs in the Jewish State. Israel’s Control of a National Minority, University of Texas Press, Austin

Parekh, Bhiku (1990): Britain and the Social Logic of Pluralism, in Britain and Plural Society, Commission for Racial Equality and the Runnymade Trust Discussion Paper 3, London

Smooha, Sammy (2001): The Model of Ethnic Democracy, Working Paper 13, European Centre for Minority Issues, Frensburg, Germany
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Takaki, Ronald (1994): A Different Mirror. A History of Multicultural America, Little, Brown and Company, New York

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    Jacek Kucharczyk ist Head of Programs am Institute of Public Affairs in Warschau.   Print

  • Aleksander Kwasniewski

    Aleksander Kwasniewski war Präsident Polens. Seine Amtszeit verlief von 1995 bis 2005 über zwei Legislaturperioden.   Print

  • Mladen Lazic

    Professor of Sociology, University of Belgrade
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  • Claus Leggewie

    Professor für Politikwissenschaft, Justus-Liebig-Universität Giessen
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  • Mark Leonard

    Co-founder and Director, European Council on Foreign Relations
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  • André Liebich

    Honorary Professor of International History and Politics, Graduate Institute, Geneva
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  • Burkhard Liebsch

    Burkhard Liebsch ist Professor für Philosophie an der Ruhr-Universität Bochum.   Print

  • Michal Luczewski

    Ph.D. candidate in Sociology, Warsaw University
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  • Charles S. Maier

    Charles S. Maier ist Direktor des Center for European Studies, Harvard University.   Print

  • Andrey Makarychev

    Andrey Makarychev ist Professor und Research Fellow am Institut Osteuropäische Studien an der Freien Universität Berlin.   Print

  • Michał Maciej Matlak

    Ph.D. candidate, Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Florence
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  • Erik Meyer

    Erik Meyer ist seit 2000 wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Sonderforschungsbereich ‘Erinnerungskulturen’ an der Justus-Liebig Universität Gießen.   Print

  • Krzysztof Michalski

    IWM Founding Rector
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  • Hans J. Misselwitz

    Hans-Jürgen Misselwitz ist ein deutscher SPD-Politiker und Gründungsmitglied des Instituts Solidarische Moderne.   Print

  • Alessandro Monsutti

    Alessandro Monsutti is an associate professor of anthropology and development sociology at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, as well as research associate at the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of Oxford. He worked as a consultant for several nongovernmental and international organizations, icnluding UNHCR. His book War and Migration: Social Networks …
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  • Jan-Werner Müller

    Professor of Politics, Princeton University

    Visiting Fellow
    (September 2016 – August 2017)
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  • Rainer Münz

    Professor für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; Korrespondierendes Mitglied des IWM
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  • Sighard Neckel

    Professor of Sociology, Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main
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  • Katherine Newman

    Katherine S. Newman is the James B. Knapp Dean of The Zanvyl Krieger School of Arts and Sciences. She is a widely published expert on poverty and the working poor who led major interdisciplinary initiatives at Princeton and Harvard universities.     Print

  • Pierre Nora

    Pierre Nora lehrt Geschichte an der École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris.   Print

  • Tereza Novotna

    Political Science, Boston University
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  • Ewald Nowotny

    Ewald Nowotny is Governor of the Austrian National Bank.   Print

  • Thomas Nowotny

    Thomas Nowotny teaches Political Science at the University of Vienna. He has been Austrian diplomat, private secretary to Austrian Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, senior political counselor to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and consultant to the OECD.   Print

  • Vlad Odobescu

    Freelance journalist, Romanian Centre for Investigative Journalism, Bucharest
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  • Andrzej Paczkowski

    Professor für Geschichte, Institut für Politische Studien, Polnische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Warschau
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  • Emilia Palonen

    Politics, University of Essex
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  • Irina Papkova

    Irina Papkova is a Research Fellow of Georgetown University’s Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs. She spent five years teaching at the Department of International Relations and European Studies at Central European University, Budapest.   Print

  • Agnieszka Pasieka

    Ph.D. in Social Anthropology from the Martin Luther University, Halle/Saale
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  • Gleb Pavlovsky

    President, Center of Effective Policies; Member, Public Chamber of the Russian Federation; Editor-in-Chief, The Russian Journal, Moscow
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  • György Péteri

    Professor of Contemporary European History, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim
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  • Tanja Petrovic

    Tanja Petrovic works at the Scientific Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana.   Print

  • David Petruccelli

    PhD candidate in History, Yale University
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  • Alexander von Plato

    Alexander von Plato ist ein deutscher Philosoph und Historiker. Er gründete das Instituts für Geschichte und Biographie an der Fernuniversität Hagen, das er bis 2007 leitete. Von 1996 bis 2000 war er Sekretär der International Oral History Association, von 2006 bis 2008 deren Vizepräsident. Er ist Mitherausgeber und Redakteur von BIOS – Zeitschrift für Biographieforschung, Oral …
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  • Andrei Pleșu

    Andrei Pleșu ist Rektor des New Europe College, Bukarest. 1989- 1991 war er rumänischer Kulturminister und 1997- 1999 rumänischer Außenminister.   Print

  • Martin Pollack

    Martin Pollack, geb. 1944 in OÖ, studierte Slawistik und osteuropäische Geschichte. Er war von 1987 bis 1998 Redakteur des “Spiegel” in Warschau und Wien und lebt heute als Schriftsteller und literarischer Übersetzer in Wien und Bocksdorf im Südburgenland. 2011 erhielt er den Leipziger Buchpreis zur Europäischen Verständigung und 2012 den Stanislaw-Vincenz-Preis. Zuletzt erschien von ihm …
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  • Krzysztof Pomian

    Krzysztof Pomian is Professor of History at the Nicolaus Copernicus University (Toruń) and Academic Director of the Museum of Europe in Brussels.   Print

  • Romano Prodi

    Romano Prodi war von September 1999 bis November 2004 Präsident der Europäischen Kommission.   Print

  • Lipin Ram

    PhD candidate and teaching assistant in Anthropology and Sociology of Development, Graduate Institute, Geneva
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  • Mykola Riabchuk

    Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Political and Nationalities’ Studies, Academy of Sciences, Kyiv
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  • Edelbert Richter

    Edelbert Richter ist deutscher Theologe, Politiker und war Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages.   Print

  • Paul Ricoeur

    Paul Ricoeur ist Philosoph und war Professor Emeritus an der University of Chicago und an der Sorbonne. Er war Mitglied der Académie Francaise und Mitglied des Wissenschaftlichen Beirats des IWM. Er starb 2005.   Print

  • Michel Rocard

    Michel Rocard, former First Secretary of the French Socialist Party and a member of the European Parliament for 15 years, was Prime Minister of France from 1988 to 1991.   Print

  • Akos Rona-Tas

    Akos Rona-Tas is professor at the Sociology Department of the University of California, San Diego and a research associate at Met@risk, INRA, Paris. He is the author of the books Plastic Money: Constructing Markets for Credit Cards in Eight Postcommunist Countries (with Alya Guseva, 2014) and Surprise of the Small Transformation: Demise of Communism and …
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  • Lew Rubinstein

    Lew Rubinstein lebt als Poet und Essayist in Moskau. Nach dem Studium der Philologie war er als Bibliothekar tätig. Seit Ende der 1960er-Jahre verfasst er poetische Arbeiten, seit 1974 serielle Textzyklen als so genannte Kartotheken. Zusammen mit Andrej Monastyrskij, Dimitrij A. Prigov und Vladimir Sorokin gilt er als wichtigster Vertreter des Moskauer Konzeptualismus. Print

  • Jacques Rupnik

    Geschichte und Politikwissenschaft, Paris
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  • Claudia Šabic

    Claudia Šabi? ist Politikwissenschaftlerin und Ethnologin. Seit 1998 ist sie Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main. Print

  • Ranabir Samaddar

    Distinguished Chair in Migration and Forced Migration Studies, Calcutta Research Group
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  • Paul Sanders

    Paul Sanders is a historian and management scholar. He is a full-time professor at Reims Management School in Reims, France. He has published across the disciplines of history, international relations and leadership.   Print

  • Karl Schlögel

    Karl Schlögel war Professor für Osteuropäische Geschichte zuerst an der Universität Konstanz, dann an der Europa-Universität Viadrina in Frankfurt/Oder. Nach seiner Emeritierung arbeitet er an einer Archäologie des Kommunismus und einer Geschichte des Wolgaraumes. Zurzeit ist er City of Vienna/IFK Fellow am IFK in Wien.     Print

  • Thomas Schmid

    Thomas Schmid is the publisher of the WELT Group, Berlin. He worked for various newspapers, among them as editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung. From 2006 to 2010 he was Editor-in-Chief of Die Welt.   Print

  • Margit Schratzenstaller

    Margit Schratzenstaller is senior researcher at the Austrian Institute of Economic Research (WIFO) and is currently coordinating (together with Karl Aiginger and Stefan Ederer) ‘WWW for Europe’, a 4-year research project within the 7th Framework Program funded by the European Commission.   Print

  • Dieter Segert

    Dieter Segert ist Professor für Transformationsprozesse in Mittel-, Südost- und Osteuropa am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Universität Wien. Seit September 2007 ist er Mitglied des Vorstandes des IDM Wien, seit Juni 2008 Mitglied der Leibniz-Sozietät der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.   Print

  • Victoriya Sereda

    Sociologie, Ivan-Franko-Universität, Lviv
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  • Michel Serres

    Michel Serres ist Philosoph und Mitglied der Académie Française.   Print

  • Anton Shekhovtsov

    PhD in Political Science
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  • Marci Shore

    Associate Professor of History, Yale University

    Visiting Fellow
    (July 2020 – June 2021)
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  • Sławomir Sierakowski

    Director, Institute for Advanced Study, Warsaw; Founder, "Krytyka Polityczna" movement
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  • Sara Silverstein

    Ph.D. Candidate in Modern European and International History, Yale University
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  • Ondřej Slačálek

    Assistant Professor of Political Science, Charles University, Prague
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  • Aleksander Smolar

    Political Science, Paris
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  • Timothy Snyder

    IWM Permanent Fellow
    Richard C. Levin Professor of History, Yale University
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  • George Soros

    George Soros is a pioneer of the hedge-fund industry, investor and philanthropist, he is the author of many books, including Financial Turmoil in Europe and the United States: Essays (2012), The Soros Lectures: At the Central European University (2010), The Crash of 2008 and What it Means: The New Paradigm for Finance Markets (2009).   …
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  • Robert Spaemann

    Robert Spaemann ist Professor em. für Philosophie an der Universität München.   Print

  • Pawel Spiewak

    Associate Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology and Philosophy, Warsaw University
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  • Wilfried Stadler

    Wilfried Stadler ist Unternehmensberater, Wirtschaftspublizist und Honorarprofessor an der Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien. Bis 2009 war er Vorstandsvorsitzender einer österreichischen Spezialbank für Unternehmensfinanzierung.   Print

  • Rudolf Stamm

    Rudolf Stamm war von 1975 bis 1988 Korrespondent der Neuen Zürcher Zeitung für Osteuropa und Österreich, anschließend bis 1999 für Italien, dann bis zu seiner Pensionierung 2002 für die USA mit Sitz in Washington D.C. Er starb 2010 in der Schweiz. 1985 erscheinen seine NZZ-Reportagen aus Osteuropa in dem Band Alltag und Tradition in Osteuropa. …
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  • Paul Starr

    Paul Starr ist Professor für Soziologie an der Princeton University und Mitherausgeber von The American Prospect. Er ist Pulitzer-Preisträger.   Print

  • Martina Steer

    ÖAW APART Fellow (History)
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  • Kristina Stoeckl

    Research Director
    APART Fellow, Austrian Academy of Sciences; Department of Political Sciences, University of Vienna
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  • Roman Szporluk

    Roman Szporluk is Professor em. of Ukrainian History at Harvard and Professor em. of History at the University of Michigan. He is a foreign member of the National Academy of Sciences in Kiev, Ukraine. His research focuses on modern Ukrainian, Russian, and Polish history, and on Marxism and nationalism in Eastern Europe.   Print

  • Charles Taylor

    IWM Permanent Fellow
    Professor em. of Philosophy, McGill University, Montréal
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  • Maria Teteriuk

    PhD candidate in Mass Communications and senior lecturer in Media Studies, National University of 'Kyiv-Mohyla Academy', Ukraine
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  • Philipp Ther

    Junior Professor of Polish and Ukrainian Studies, Europa-Universität Frankfurt / Oder
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  • Maria Todorova

    Professor of History, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign
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  • Balázs Trencsényi

    Balázs Trencsényi, Ph.D., is Associate Professor at the Department of History, CEU. His research focuses on the comparative history of political thought in East Central Europe and the history of historiography. He is co-director of Pasts, Inc., Center for Historical Studies at CEU and Associate Editor of the periodical East Central Europe (Brill). He was …
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  • Stefan Troebst

    Read more

  • Marius Turda

    Lecturer in the Education Abroad Program, Eötvös Lorand University, Faculty of Humanities, Budapest
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  • Andreas Umland

    Andreas Umland ist Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Institut für Euro-Atlantische Kooperation Kiew sowie Herausgeber der Buchreihe Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, ibidem-Verlag Stuttgart. Print

  • Victoria Vasilenko

    Assistant Professor of Contemporary History and International Relations, Belgorod National Research University
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  • David G. Victor

    David G. Victor is a Professor at the School of International Relations and Pacific Studies at the University of California, San Diego, where he directs the Laboratory on International Law and Regulation.   Print

  • Harald Welzer

    Harald Welzer ist Forschungsprofessor für Sozialpsychologie an der Universität Witten/Herdecke und Direktor des Center for Interdisciplinary Memory Research am Kulturwissenschaftlichen Instituts Essen.   Print

  • Karolina Wigura

    Adjunct of the History of Ideas, University of Warsaw; Co-Editor of Kultura Liberalna
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  • Volodymyr Yermolenko

    Volodymyr Yermolenko is a Ukrainian philosopher and essayist. He has a degree in Political Science from the EHESS, Paris, and teaches at Kyiv Mohyla Academy in Kyiv. He is the author of the book Narrator and Philosopher: Walter Benjamin and his time (2011, in Ukrainian). Print

  • Oksana Zabuzhko

    Free-lance writer, Kiev
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  • Tatiana Zhurzhenko

    IWM Research Director, Russia in Global Dialogue and Ukraine in European Dialogue
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