How Did the 2008 Economic Crisis Affect Social and Political Solidarity in Europe?

One possible outcome of the economic crash of 2008 was that the majority or mainstream members of a society would direct their anger and fear against the minority or marginal members of their society. Commentators on television or the radio would claim, “it’s all the fault of the immigrants!” or “if we didn’t hand over so much of our tax dollars to the poor, the economy would not have deteriorated so much,” or “social benefits to African Americans [or German Turks] have distorted the housing market.” Citizens would come to believe these assertions, politicians would echo them – and the upshot would be not only a deteriorating national and international economy but also increased hostility and fear among racial, ethnic, or nationality groups in a country. Social solidarity would decline, perhaps irrevocably.

Another possible outcome of the 2008 economic crash was that both mainstream and marginal members of society would lose faith in their governments, or even in democratic governance more generally. Commentators would claim, “we need a strong leader to get us out of this mess!” or “we need a new system of governance to control these powerful and destructive economic forces,” or “we need to suspend the usual processes of law-making to deal with the crisis effectively.” In this scenario too, citizens would come to believe these assertions, politicians would echo them – and the upshot would be not only a deteriorating national and international economy but also increased hostility to and fear of the slow and messy processes of democratic decision-making. Political solidarity would decline, perhaps irrevocably.

Meanwhile, we know that the deepest fears have not been realized — social and political solidarity have not disintegrated irrevocably. But we do not yet have a clear picture of how and how much a sense of solidarity did in fact change after the economic crash. Providing that picture is the goal of this essay. I cannot make any claims about causation. That is, I can’t show that changes in the public’s views had any direct impact on levels of social or political solidarity, since solidarity involves a great many practices in addition to public opinion. Similarly, I can’t show that governmental actions with regard to the economic crisis shaped public opinion, since opinions derive from a great many stimuli. Nevertheless, the public’s views surely matter in how politicians and fellow countrymen act, even if we cannot trace precise causal chains. So understanding the trajectory of solidarity requires understanding the dynamics of public opinion.

The evidence for my analysis comes from the European Social Survey (ESS), “an academically-driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europe’s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations” ( It encompasses about 30 countries, and has been deployed four times. Most importantly for my purpose here, the third round occurred in 2006 and the fourth round in late 2008 or early 2009, that is, after the economic crash of September 2008 but before people knew what its political, social, or economic ramifications would be. I focus on attitudes in thirteen western European countries whose populations were asked the same questions in both 2006 and 2008.

Political Solidarity

The first question is simply whether or how much the economic failures of 2008 registered in the public’s mind; did people notice them, and if so, what was their reaction? The ESS asked people about levels of satisfaction with the present state of their national economy, national government, and “the way democracy works” in their country. Table 1 shows the results for the thirteen western European countries included in both surveys. It is ordered in terms of the biggest decline in satisfaction with the national economy:

Table 1: Changes in Satisfaction with the Country’s Economy, Government, and Democracy, 2006-2008

  National economy National government Democratic practice
UK -2.30 -0.66 -0.01
Spain -1.91 -0.73 -0.07
Belgium -1.42 -1.26 -0.37
Denmark -1.30 -0.41 -0.06
Sweden -1.27 -0.02 0.11
France -0.85 0.01 -0.04
Switzerland -0.79 0.15 0.03
Netherlands -0.78 0.13 0.21
Norway -0.61 0.42 0.05
Finland -0.58 -0.29 -0.24
Portugal -0.49 -0.49 -0.16
Germany -0.33 0.77 0.26
Poland 0.39 0.85 0.37
TOTAL -0.77 0.31 0.19

The first thing to note is that western Europeans as a whole, and residents of all countries except Poland, became more dissatisfied with their national economy between 2006 and 2008.[1] It would have been astonishing had it been otherwise. However, overall and in most countries, they did not lose faith in their national governments or in the practice of democracy. In a few cases, especially among Germans and Poles, they became notably more satisfied. If this survey genuinely represents public opinion, Europe is not facing a broad crisis of rejection of governance or democratic practice.

If we look more narrowly at particular features of democratic governance, we see the same pattern – a loss of trust in some aspects of government in some countries, but overall no loss of trust and in some cases even an increase. Table 2 shows the results, ordered in terms of the biggest loss of faith in the respondent’s parliament:

Table 2: Changes in Trust in the Country’s Parliament, Legal System, Politicians, and Political Parties, 2006-2008

  Parliament Legal system Politicians Political parties
Portugal -0.59 -0.28 -0.31 -0.13
Belgium -0.32 0.01 -0.41 -0.47
Finland -0.10 0.02 -0.10 -0.02
Spain 0 -0.73 -0.38 -0.44
Denmark 0.05 -0.10 -0.04 -0.01
Norway 0.08 0.28 0.18 0.25
UK 0.10 0.14 0.21 0.13
France 0.14 0.18 0.29 0.14
Switzerland 0.19 0.07 0.04 -0.05
Sweden 0.25 0.01 0.10 0.08
Netherlands 0.30 0.27 0.22 0.16
Poland 0.40 0.18 0.26 0.24
Germany 0.42 0.23 0.33 0.29
Total 0.46 0.14 0.34 0.28

In countries where respondents lost faith in their parliament, they also lost faith in other aspects of the political system; more generally, a loss of faith in one arena is usually associated with a loss of faith in the other three arenas.[2] But in seven of the thirteen countries, respondents trusted various aspects of their government more in 2008 than in 2006, and in two others their views were essentially unchanged. These results also provide no grounds for fearing a loss of political solidarity within a state.

An even more focused issue is whether one’s state can protect its residents from a terrorist attack. Fear of what appears from the victim’s perspective to be random political violence can destroy solidarity in a different way than distress over economic hardship or mistrust of feckless politicians. More generally, one’s level of anxiety about a terrorist attack might be a sign of diffuse fear of outsiders or of the political future.

However, regardless of whether one interprets the responses broadly or narrowly, the issue of terrorism presents no grounds for concern about political solidarity in western Europe. Overall, fear of a terrorist attack in one’s country did not change in the ESS between 2006 and 2008, and fear of a terrorist attack in Europe actually declined slightly in the same period.[3] To the degree that these survey data reveal public sentiment in response to the 2008 economic crash, western European polities need not fear a loss of political solidarity within their country.

Social Solidarity

Perhaps even more surprisingly, the ESS does not provide evidence of a major decline in social solidarity after the 2008 crash. Overall, the proportion of people in our thirteen western European states who believe that they belong to a group discriminated against in their country stayed almost stable (moving from 7.3 percent in 2006 to 7.5 percent in 2008). The proportion rose slightly in most countries — Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Finland, the U.K., the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden — but it declined or remained the same in the two largest, Germany and France, as well as declining slightly in Portugal. We cannot tell from the question whether any increase or decrease is due to changing perceptions of discrimination, changes in the composition of the population, changes in sampling for the survey, or changes in actual levels of discrimination. But in any case, the central point is that there was little movement in expressions of social (non)solidarity after the 2008 economic crash.

Attitudes toward immigrants and immigration diverged only slightly after the 2008 crash between those who do and do not feel discriminated against. The ESS asks three questions about support for increased or decreased immigration from different sources, and three questions about the impact of immigration on the respondent’s country of residence. To understand the pattern of change in views about immigrants and immigration, I took the following steps: I separated respondents into those who did, and those who did not, see themselves as members of a group that is discriminated against. I then looked at the median response of each group to each of the six questions in each of the thirteen western European countries. I subtracted the median views in 2006 from the median views in 2008, to see which views had changed, in what direction, and how extensively. Table 3 presents the results on preferences for increasing the number of immigrants. The table is arrayed in alphabetical order of the countries.[4]

Table 3: Changes from 2006 to 2008 in Views about Changing the Number of Immigrants

  Allow many or few immigrants of same race or ethnicity as majority in country Allow many or few immigrants of different race or ethnicity as majority in country Allow many or few immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe
1. R feels discriminated against 2. R does not feel discriminated against 3. R feels discriminated against 4. R does not feel discriminated against 5. R feels discriminated against 6. R does not feel discriminated against
Belgium + 0 ++ 0 + +
Denmark + 0 0 + + 0
Finland 0 + 0 + +
France 0 0 0 + 0 +
Germany ++ ++ ++ ++ + ++
Netherlands + + + ++ 0 +
Norway + 0 + 0 0
Poland 0 0 0 0
Portugal ++ 0 ++ + ++ 0
Sweden + 0 + 0 0 0
Switzerland ++ 0 + + 0
UK 0 0 + + + +

Notes: 0 means that the proportion who wanted more (or fewer) immigrants of a particular kind rose (or fell) only minimally, between -.05 and .05 of a point from 2006 to 2008.
+ or – means that the proportion who wanted more (or fewer) immigrants of a particular kind rose between .051 and .20 of a point.
++ or — means that the proportion who wanted more (or fewer) immigrants of a particular kind rose between .201 and .40 of a point.
+++ or — means that the proportion of respondents who wanted more (or fewer) immigrants of a particular kind rose by more than .40 of a point.

Note first the large number of 0’s (29 of 78 cells), and the small number of double or triple marks (11 of 78 cells). In general, people’s preferences about admitting many or few immigrants from various sources did not change much between 2006 and 2008. All of the double marks were ++; that is, all substantial changes in views were in the direction of wanting more immigrants. Germany is the limiting case here, but not the only one to show enthusiasm for newcomers. Conversely, apart from Spain, which is suffering from severe unemployment and other economic problems, only five cells reveal a stronger preference for fewer immigrants in 2008 than in 2006.[5] So we have no evidence that new immigrants or would-be immigrants were blamed for the 2008 economic crash, and considerable evidence that residents of some states (Germany and the Netherlands especially) would welcome more.

Second, looking down the columns rather than across the rows, we see that the views of people who feel discriminated against changed a little more than did the views of people who do not feel discriminated against – but in both directions. On the one hand, slightly more cells in columns 1, 3, and 5 show a negative sign (change toward a preference for fewer immigrants) than in columns 2, 4, and 6. On the other hand, slightly more cells in columns 1, 3, and 5 show a ++ sign (fairly strong change toward a preference for more immigrants) than in columns 2, 4, and 6. Overall, these data provide no grounds for believing that social solidarity with regard to immigration policy has splintered between people who do and do not see themselves to be on the losing side of social interactions. That is a powerful conclusion, given what might have happened when economies went into crisis in 2008 and given what has happened in earlier economic crises in Europe or the United States.[6]

We do see more signs of fragmentation between people who do and do not see themselves as victims of discrimination when we look at ESS questions about the impact of immigration in their country. Table 4 shows the results of an analysis similar to that above, and it is set up in the same way as Table 3.[7]

Table 4: Changes from 2006 to 2008 in Views about the Impact of Immigration

  Immigrants make the country a worse or better place to live. Immigration is bad or good for the country’s economy. The country’s cultural life is undermined or enriched by immigrants.
1. R feels discriminated against 2. R does not feel discriminated against 3. R feels discriminated against 4. R does not feel discriminated against 5. R feels discriminated against 6. R does not feel discriminated against
Belgium +++ ++ ++ + 0 0
Denmark +++ ++
Finland 0 + + + +
France + ++ ++ +++
Germany ++ +++ ++ +++ ++ +++
Netherlands + + ++ 0 +
Norway + + 0
Poland + 0 0
Portugal +++ 0 +++ + ++ ++
Spain 0
Sweden ++ + ++ + +
Switzerland +++ ++ ++ ++ +
UK + + ++ + ++ +

Notes: 0 means that the proportion who thought immigrants improved (or harmed) the country rose between -.05 and .05 of a point from 2006 to 2008.
+ or – means that the proportion who thought immigrants improved (or harmed) the country rose between .051 and .20 of a point.
++ or — means that the proportion who thought immigrants improved (or harmed) the country rose between .201 and .40 of a point.
+++ or — means that the proportion of respondents who thought immigrants improved (or harmed) the country rose by more than .40 of a point.

Views about the impact of immigration changed much more from 2006 to 2008 than did views about immigration policy. Table 4 has only nine 0’s, meaning that median preferences on these three policies shifted broadly across countries, respondent groups, and survey questions. Thirty-one cells have double or triple marks, meaning that median preferences shifted not only broadly but substantially. Only four of those thirty cells have double or triple minus signs (– or —), meaning that median preferences usually shifted toward more positive views of the impact of immigrants. Germany is again the limiting positive case, and Spain the limiting negative case.

As with the results in table 3, we do not see strong differences between those who did and those who did not claim that they were members of groups that suffer from discrimination. Columns 1, 3, and 5 look fairly similar to columns 2, 4, and 6 – in both sets of columns, there are shifts toward more negative views of immigrants’ impact, shifts toward more positive views, and occasionally little shift in either direction. Strong shifts – in both directions – were more common among those who see themselves as victims of discrimination, perhaps because the whole issue of immigration and its impact is more salient to them than to others in their country. But if so, that salience did not produce a uniform response.

Thus once again we do not see grounds for deep fears about a loss of social solidarity after the 2008 economic crash. Overall, western Europeans seem to be moving in the direction of endorsing the effects of immigration on their countries, even though they do not much want more immigrants themselves.

Conclusion: The Dog that Didn’t Bark

Of course, no matter its quality, one public opinion survey cannot reveal all that we need to know about changes in social and political solidarity in response to an international crisis of the magnitude of the 2008 market failure. One needs to examine changes in interpersonal interactions in neighborhoods and workplaces, changes in public support for political parties that are hostile to one or another segment of the population, levels of social services and social welfare policies, changes in attitudes and behaviors that are more subtle or complex than a survey can capture, and so on. But even if surveys are a fairly blunt instrument, they can be very revealing. They are generalizeable to a population in a way that almost no other type of evidence can be, and they permit tightly structured comparisons with earlier points in time in a way that almost no other type of evidence permits. They enable us to move outside our own sphere of knowledge, our personal connections, and our shared unquestioned assumptions.

In the case of these repeated questions on the ESS, we see a clear case of Sherlock Holmes’ famous dog that didn’t bark. In The Hound of the Baskervilles, the perennially naive Dr. Watson asks, “Is there any point to which you would wish to draw my attention?” Holmes answers, “To the curious incident of the dog in the night-time.” But, says Watson, “the dog did nothing in the night-time.” Holmes responds, “That was the curious incident.” Social scientists and public commentators seldom pay close attention to what does not happen, for obvious reasons. But when we expect something to happen and it does not, it may be worth our notice. Many people expected or at least feared that the 2008 market crash would lead Europeans (and Americans) to lose faith in their economy, polity, and each other. That mainly did not happen, at least insofar as an important public opinion survey can show. That is a curious incident worth noting, and celebrating.


Jennifer Hochschild is Henry LaBarre Jayne Professor of Government at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, and Professor of African and African-American Studies at the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, both Harvard University. She studies the intersection of American politics and political philosophy — particularly in the areas of race, ethnicity, and immigration — and educational policy. She also works on issues in public opinion and political culture. She is the co-author of The American Dream and the Public Schools (Oxford University Press, 2003); and author of Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton University Press, 1995); The New American Dilemma: Liberal Democracy and School Desegregation (Yale University Press, 1984); and What’s Fair: American Beliefs about Distributive Justice (Harvard University Press, 1981). She is also a co-author or co-editor of other books and articles. Her current book project is tentatively entitled “Unstable Boundaries: Skin Color, Immigration, and Multiracialism in American Politics.” With John Mollenkopf, she is co-editing a volume on “Immigrant Political Incorporation in the United States and West Europe.”


1. The possible responses ran on a scale from 1, “extremely dissatisfied” to 10, “extremely satisfied.” In 2008, the highest median levels of satisfaction with the economy were in Norway (6.85) and Denmark (6.69). Portugal (2.67) and France (2.94) had the lowest median levels of satisfaction with the economy.

2. Here too, the possible responses ran on a scale from 1, “no trust at all” to 10, “complete trust.” In 2008, the highest median levels of trust in the national parliament were in Denmark (6.83) and Finland (6.31). Poland (2.85) and Portugal (3.52) had the lowest median levels of trust in the national parliament.

3. In both 2006 and 2008, just over 13 percent of the respondents in these thirteen countries thought a terrorist attack in their country was “very likely” during the next twelve months. In 2006, 26 percent thought a terrorist attack in Europe was very likely; the proportion in 2008 was just over 21 percent. Across all European countries in both the 2006 and 2008 ESS, the correlation between the two fears was high — .63 in 2006 and .66 in 2008. Thus this measure may be tapping a general fear more than a concrete prediction.

4. The questions displayed in table 3 permitted four possible answers, ranging from “many” to “none.” In 2008, the median responses ranged between 1.7 (roughly speaking, “some”) to 2.8 (roughly, “a few”). The ESS website permits an on-line analysis that yields the median response for each set of respondents in each country on all three questions.

5. Poland is the only country in which people who feel discriminated against were consistently less welcoming to immigrants in 2008 than in 2006, while people who do not feel discriminated against showed little change.

6. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, the United States deported several hundred thousand Mexican or Mexican American farm laborers and their families, some of whom were American citizens. During Germany’s hyperinflation and economic instability of the 1920s, Jews, the Roma, and other outsiders were widely blamed for the country’s hardships.

7. The questions displayed in table 4 permitted ten possible answers, ranging from a very negative to a very positive view of the effects of immigration. In 2008, the median responses ranged from a low of 4.3 to a high of 7.3. In this case also, the ESS website permits an on-line analysis that yields the median response for each set of respondents in each country on all three questions.


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    Charles S. Maier ist Direktor des Center for European Studies, Harvard University.   Print

  • Andrey Makarychev

    Andrey Makarychev ist Professor und Research Fellow am Institut Osteuropäische Studien an der Freien Universität Berlin.   Print

  • Michał Maciej Matlak

    Ph.D. candidate, Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Florence
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  • Erik Meyer

    Erik Meyer ist seit 2000 wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Sonderforschungsbereich ‘Erinnerungskulturen’ an der Justus-Liebig Universität Gießen.   Print

  • Krzysztof Michalski

    IWM Founding Rector
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  • Hans J. Misselwitz

    Hans-Jürgen Misselwitz ist ein deutscher SPD-Politiker und Gründungsmitglied des Instituts Solidarische Moderne.   Print

  • Alessandro Monsutti

    Alessandro Monsutti is an associate professor of anthropology and development sociology at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, as well as research associate at the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of Oxford. He worked as a consultant for several nongovernmental and international organizations, icnluding UNHCR. His book War and Migration: Social Networks …
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  • Jan-Werner Müller

    Professor of Politics, Princeton University

    Visiting Fellow
    (September 2016 – August 2017)
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  • Rainer Münz

    Professor für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; Korrespondierendes Mitglied des IWM
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  • Sighard Neckel

    Professor of Sociology, Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main
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  • Katherine Newman

    Katherine S. Newman is the James B. Knapp Dean of The Zanvyl Krieger School of Arts and Sciences. She is a widely published expert on poverty and the working poor who led major interdisciplinary initiatives at Princeton and Harvard universities.     Print

  • Pierre Nora

    Pierre Nora lehrt Geschichte an der École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris.   Print

  • Tereza Novotna

    Political Science, Boston University
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  • Ewald Nowotny

    Ewald Nowotny is Governor of the Austrian National Bank.   Print

  • Thomas Nowotny

    Thomas Nowotny teaches Political Science at the University of Vienna. He has been Austrian diplomat, private secretary to Austrian Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, senior political counselor to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and consultant to the OECD.   Print

  • Vlad Odobescu

    Freelance journalist, Romanian Centre for Investigative Journalism, Bucharest
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  • Andrzej Paczkowski

    Professor für Geschichte, Institut für Politische Studien, Polnische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Warschau
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  • Emilia Palonen

    Politics, University of Essex
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  • Irina Papkova

    Irina Papkova is a Research Fellow of Georgetown University’s Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs. She spent five years teaching at the Department of International Relations and European Studies at Central European University, Budapest.   Print

  • Agnieszka Pasieka

    Ph.D. in Social Anthropology from the Martin Luther University, Halle/Saale
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  • Gleb Pavlovsky

    President, Center of Effective Policies; Member, Public Chamber of the Russian Federation; Editor-in-Chief, The Russian Journal, Moscow
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  • György Péteri

    Professor of Contemporary European History, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim
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  • Tanja Petrovic

    Tanja Petrovic works at the Scientific Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana.   Print

  • David Petruccelli

    PhD candidate in History, Yale University
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  • Alexander von Plato

    Alexander von Plato ist ein deutscher Philosoph und Historiker. Er gründete das Instituts für Geschichte und Biographie an der Fernuniversität Hagen, das er bis 2007 leitete. Von 1996 bis 2000 war er Sekretär der International Oral History Association, von 2006 bis 2008 deren Vizepräsident. Er ist Mitherausgeber und Redakteur von BIOS – Zeitschrift für Biographieforschung, Oral …
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  • Andrei Pleșu

    Andrei Pleșu ist Rektor des New Europe College, Bukarest. 1989- 1991 war er rumänischer Kulturminister und 1997- 1999 rumänischer Außenminister.   Print

  • Martin Pollack

    Martin Pollack, geb. 1944 in OÖ, studierte Slawistik und osteuropäische Geschichte. Er war von 1987 bis 1998 Redakteur des “Spiegel” in Warschau und Wien und lebt heute als Schriftsteller und literarischer Übersetzer in Wien und Bocksdorf im Südburgenland. 2011 erhielt er den Leipziger Buchpreis zur Europäischen Verständigung und 2012 den Stanislaw-Vincenz-Preis. Zuletzt erschien von ihm …
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  • Krzysztof Pomian

    Krzysztof Pomian is Professor of History at the Nicolaus Copernicus University (Toruń) and Academic Director of the Museum of Europe in Brussels.   Print

  • Romano Prodi

    Romano Prodi war von September 1999 bis November 2004 Präsident der Europäischen Kommission.   Print

  • Lipin Ram

    PhD candidate and teaching assistant in Anthropology and Sociology of Development, Graduate Institute, Geneva
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  • Mykola Riabchuk

    Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Political and Nationalities’ Studies, Academy of Sciences, Kyiv
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  • Edelbert Richter

    Edelbert Richter ist deutscher Theologe, Politiker und war Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages.   Print

  • Paul Ricoeur

    Paul Ricoeur ist Philosoph und war Professor Emeritus an der University of Chicago und an der Sorbonne. Er war Mitglied der Académie Francaise und Mitglied des Wissenschaftlichen Beirats des IWM. Er starb 2005.   Print

  • Michel Rocard

    Michel Rocard, former First Secretary of the French Socialist Party and a member of the European Parliament for 15 years, was Prime Minister of France from 1988 to 1991.   Print

  • Akos Rona-Tas

    Akos Rona-Tas is professor at the Sociology Department of the University of California, San Diego and a research associate at Met@risk, INRA, Paris. He is the author of the books Plastic Money: Constructing Markets for Credit Cards in Eight Postcommunist Countries (with Alya Guseva, 2014) and Surprise of the Small Transformation: Demise of Communism and …
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  • Lew Rubinstein

    Lew Rubinstein lebt als Poet und Essayist in Moskau. Nach dem Studium der Philologie war er als Bibliothekar tätig. Seit Ende der 1960er-Jahre verfasst er poetische Arbeiten, seit 1974 serielle Textzyklen als so genannte Kartotheken. Zusammen mit Andrej Monastyrskij, Dimitrij A. Prigov und Vladimir Sorokin gilt er als wichtigster Vertreter des Moskauer Konzeptualismus. Print

  • Jacques Rupnik

    Geschichte und Politikwissenschaft, Paris
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  • Claudia Šabic

    Claudia Šabi? ist Politikwissenschaftlerin und Ethnologin. Seit 1998 ist sie Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main. Print

  • Ranabir Samaddar

    Distinguished Chair in Migration and Forced Migration Studies, Calcutta Research Group
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  • Paul Sanders

    Paul Sanders is a historian and management scholar. He is a full-time professor at Reims Management School in Reims, France. He has published across the disciplines of history, international relations and leadership.   Print

  • Karl Schlögel

    Karl Schlögel war Professor für Osteuropäische Geschichte zuerst an der Universität Konstanz, dann an der Europa-Universität Viadrina in Frankfurt/Oder. Nach seiner Emeritierung arbeitet er an einer Archäologie des Kommunismus und einer Geschichte des Wolgaraumes. Zurzeit ist er City of Vienna/IFK Fellow am IFK in Wien.     Print

  • Thomas Schmid

    Thomas Schmid is the publisher of the WELT Group, Berlin. He worked for various newspapers, among them as editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung. From 2006 to 2010 he was Editor-in-Chief of Die Welt.   Print

  • Margit Schratzenstaller

    Margit Schratzenstaller is senior researcher at the Austrian Institute of Economic Research (WIFO) and is currently coordinating (together with Karl Aiginger and Stefan Ederer) ‘WWW for Europe’, a 4-year research project within the 7th Framework Program funded by the European Commission.   Print

  • Dieter Segert

    Dieter Segert ist Professor für Transformationsprozesse in Mittel-, Südost- und Osteuropa am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Universität Wien. Seit September 2007 ist er Mitglied des Vorstandes des IDM Wien, seit Juni 2008 Mitglied der Leibniz-Sozietät der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.   Print

  • Victoriya Sereda

    Sociologie, Ivan-Franko-Universität, Lviv
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  • Michel Serres

    Michel Serres ist Philosoph und Mitglied der Académie Française.   Print

  • Anton Shekhovtsov

    PhD in Political Science
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  • Marci Shore

    Associate Professor of History, Yale University

    Visiting Fellow
    (July 2020 – June 2021)
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  • Sławomir Sierakowski

    Director, Institute for Advanced Study, Warsaw; Founder, "Krytyka Polityczna" movement
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  • Sara Silverstein

    Ph.D. Candidate in Modern European and International History, Yale University
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  • Ondřej Slačálek

    Assistant Professor of Political Science, Charles University, Prague
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  • Aleksander Smolar

    Political Science, Paris
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  • Timothy Snyder

    IWM Permanent Fellow
    Richard C. Levin Professor of History, Yale University
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  • George Soros

    George Soros is a pioneer of the hedge-fund industry, investor and philanthropist, he is the author of many books, including Financial Turmoil in Europe and the United States: Essays (2012), The Soros Lectures: At the Central European University (2010), The Crash of 2008 and What it Means: The New Paradigm for Finance Markets (2009).   …
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  • Robert Spaemann

    Robert Spaemann ist Professor em. für Philosophie an der Universität München.   Print

  • Pawel Spiewak

    Associate Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology and Philosophy, Warsaw University
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  • Wilfried Stadler

    Wilfried Stadler ist Unternehmensberater, Wirtschaftspublizist und Honorarprofessor an der Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien. Bis 2009 war er Vorstandsvorsitzender einer österreichischen Spezialbank für Unternehmensfinanzierung.   Print

  • Rudolf Stamm

    Rudolf Stamm war von 1975 bis 1988 Korrespondent der Neuen Zürcher Zeitung für Osteuropa und Österreich, anschließend bis 1999 für Italien, dann bis zu seiner Pensionierung 2002 für die USA mit Sitz in Washington D.C. Er starb 2010 in der Schweiz. 1985 erscheinen seine NZZ-Reportagen aus Osteuropa in dem Band Alltag und Tradition in Osteuropa. …
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  • Paul Starr

    Paul Starr ist Professor für Soziologie an der Princeton University und Mitherausgeber von The American Prospect. Er ist Pulitzer-Preisträger.   Print

  • Martina Steer

    ÖAW APART Fellow (History)
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  • Kristina Stoeckl

    Research Director
    APART Fellow, Austrian Academy of Sciences; Department of Political Sciences, University of Vienna
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  • Roman Szporluk

    Roman Szporluk is Professor em. of Ukrainian History at Harvard and Professor em. of History at the University of Michigan. He is a foreign member of the National Academy of Sciences in Kiev, Ukraine. His research focuses on modern Ukrainian, Russian, and Polish history, and on Marxism and nationalism in Eastern Europe.   Print

  • Charles Taylor

    IWM Permanent Fellow
    Professor em. of Philosophy, McGill University, Montréal
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  • Maria Teteriuk

    PhD candidate in Mass Communications and senior lecturer in Media Studies, National University of 'Kyiv-Mohyla Academy', Ukraine
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  • Philipp Ther

    Junior Professor of Polish and Ukrainian Studies, Europa-Universität Frankfurt / Oder
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  • Maria Todorova

    Professor of History, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign
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  • Balázs Trencsényi

    Balázs Trencsényi, Ph.D., is Associate Professor at the Department of History, CEU. His research focuses on the comparative history of political thought in East Central Europe and the history of historiography. He is co-director of Pasts, Inc., Center for Historical Studies at CEU and Associate Editor of the periodical East Central Europe (Brill). He was …
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  • Stefan Troebst

    Read more

  • Marius Turda

    Lecturer in the Education Abroad Program, Eötvös Lorand University, Faculty of Humanities, Budapest
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  • Andreas Umland

    Andreas Umland ist Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Institut für Euro-Atlantische Kooperation Kiew sowie Herausgeber der Buchreihe Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, ibidem-Verlag Stuttgart. Print

  • Victoria Vasilenko

    Assistant Professor of Contemporary History and International Relations, Belgorod National Research University
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  • David G. Victor

    David G. Victor is a Professor at the School of International Relations and Pacific Studies at the University of California, San Diego, where he directs the Laboratory on International Law and Regulation.   Print

  • Harald Welzer

    Harald Welzer ist Forschungsprofessor für Sozialpsychologie an der Universität Witten/Herdecke und Direktor des Center for Interdisciplinary Memory Research am Kulturwissenschaftlichen Instituts Essen.   Print

  • Karolina Wigura

    Adjunct of the History of Ideas, University of Warsaw; Co-Editor of Kultura Liberalna
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  • Volodymyr Yermolenko

    Volodymyr Yermolenko is a Ukrainian philosopher and essayist. He has a degree in Political Science from the EHESS, Paris, and teaches at Kyiv Mohyla Academy in Kyiv. He is the author of the book Narrator and Philosopher: Walter Benjamin and his time (2011, in Ukrainian). Print

  • Oksana Zabuzhko

    Free-lance writer, Kiev
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  • Tatiana Zhurzhenko

    IWM Research Director, Russia in Global Dialogue and Ukraine in European Dialogue
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